Monday, November 7, 2011

Freedom of Expression and Opinion Mechanisms

Freedom of Expression and Opinion Mechanisms

Today,freedom of expression is generally recognized by most states and international bodies as a fundamental human right which is in essence a core attribute in any democracy and open society. 
Efforts have been made to codify and implement this right through specially constructed international, regional and domestic mechanisms and arrangements.
"If we don’t believe in freedom of expression for people we despice, we don’t believe in it at all" Noam Chomsky.
Regulatory Mechanism for Freedom of Expression
Freedom of Expression is covered in the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights and falls under Civil and Political Right (1948). Some modern political thinkers have categorized or made three dusters of rights namely first, second and third generation rights.
First generation human rights deals basically with liberty and political participation. These rights seek to protect the individual from excesses of the state and these include freedom of speech, right to fair trial, freedom of religion as well as voting rights.
Second generation human rights are also known as E.S.C Rights meaning economic social and cultural rights and are basically meant to provide equality and free opportunity for all. Some of these rights include the right to employment, health care and housing.
Third generation human rights have up to this day not been officialized in both developed and developing world due to their controversy and “ in applicability”. Most countries have up to this day found it difficult to enact them in legally binding documents. International law expert Michael Sha in his work “International  Law (1986) suggested that these class of rights include the right to natural resources, self determination, a health environment and the right to communication among other rights.
Internationally, the United Nations recognizes that freedom of expression is a fundamental Human right and therefore plays a crucial role in any democratic and open society. The United Nations Declaration of Human Rights Civil and Political rights covers freedom of expression in Article 19 which reads,
Article 19: (1) Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference. (2) Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression and this right shall include; freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds regardless of frontiers either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art or any other media of choice. However is should be noted that freedom of expression is not absolute or does not go without limitations as outlined in the 3rd clause of the same article.
The exercise of the rights provided for in paragraph (92) in this article carries with it special duties and responsibilities, it may therefore be subject to certain restrictions, but these shall only be such as are provided by the law and are necessary.
(a) For the respect of the rights or reputation of others
(b) For the protection of national security of or public order, health and morals.Regionally, African states have as well endorsed the United Nations Convention regarding the concept of free expression.
A number of efforts have been made of guarantee freedom of expression as a justifiable and enforceable right and that is covered by section (8) of the African charter on Human and People’s rights.However I will not cover the contents of the article in this work as some fillings are more or less the same with those of the United Nations clause regulating free expression.
Back home here in Zimbabwe, freedom of expression is dealt with by chapter II section (20) of the constitution of Zimbabwe and the code is as follows,
20 Freedom of Expression
(1)  No person shall be prevented from enjoying or exercising his/ her freedom of expression which includes freedom to have/ hold opinions and to receive and communicate or pass ideas and information without interference and also freedom from interference with a persons correspondence.
(2)  A law may limit freedom of expression if it is necessary to do so in the interests of defence, public safety, public order, the economic interests of the state ,public morality , public health or for the protection rights, freedoms and reputation of others or for protecting the independence of courts and parliament.
(3)  A law limiting the freedom of expression shall not go beyond what is necessary in a democratic society.

Friday, October 7, 2011

YOU DONT HAVE TO BE RACIST IN ORDER TO BE PATRIOTIC

HOW many readers have heard of the “Cuban Five”? It would be surprising if you haven’t because the state media in Zimbabwe has given them an inordinate amount of publicity.

The five were arrested in Miami in 1998 and charged with espionage. The five claim they were helpful to the US authorities. Whatever the case, they remain incarcerated in Miami.

According to the Cuban government: “In September 1998 five Cubans were arrested in Miami by FBI agents. Their mission in the US was to monitor activities of groups and organisations responsible for terrorist activities against Cuba.”

The Herald, which carried a sympathetic account of their ordeal last month, reminds us of Cuba’s contribution to Zimbabwe’s “revolutionary principles” and the assistance rendered at the time of Independence in the field of education and medicine.

We will not controvert any of this. Cuba has been generous in its assistance to Southern Africa over the years since the 1960s. But what strikes us as extraordinary is the way states like Zimbabwe, Namibia, Angola and Mozambique have done nothing to express solidarity with journalists, writers and civic activists who have been incarcerated in Cuba and left to rot.

There was a brief episode when a handful of writers were released following Pope John Paul’s visit to the island, but the beneficiaries were obliged to seek exile in Spain.

Meanwhile, the Cuban Five’s supporters here complain bitterly that if the five are released they will have to remain in Miami.
The other dimension to this is that supporters of the Cuban Five have never bothered to tell us what they think of activists held in Zimbabwe’s jails. What about the MDC officials who were accused of involvement in killing Cain Nkala, who was suspected of kidnapping David Coltart’s election agent, Patrick Nabanyama.

President Mugabe went to Bulawayo and branded them terrorists. They were subsequently locked up for 21 months after Justice George Chiweshe reversed an order by Justice Lawrence Kamocha who had ruled that the accused could not be indicted for trial. They were, after a marathon trial, acquitted by Justice Sandra Mungwira in August 2004. Fletcher Dulini-Ncube lost the sight of an eye during his detention.
Surely the supporters of the Cuban Five have something to say about this lest the world thinks them hypocrites.


It was amusing to witness the turn of events in Zambia last week. Zanu PF was celebrating what they considered a great victory. This was a kick in the teeth for imperialism. Acres of forests were being chopped down to produce the pulp necessary to send the word that Michael Sata was a friend of Mugabe and an enemy of the MDC. Columnists like Reason Wafawarova were ecstatic.

“Closer home, Michael Sata of Zambia just won an election against the West’s favourite MMD and the win is an emphatic message that indeed imperialism is not invincible,” he crowed.

Life isn’t that simple. One of Sata’s first moves was to tell the Chinese they could do business in Zambia on the same terms as everybody else. They would not receive any favoured treatment from his government, he made clear. And let’s hope the appointment of veteran nationalist Guy Scott as VP sends a clear message to Zimbabwe’s delinquent nationalists that you don’t have to be a racist to be a good patriot!


Meanwhile, we were interested to note that cabinet had given a directive that Finance minister Tendai Biti release $40 million to buy inputs and recapitalise the GMB to pay farmers for grain delivered. Cabinet made the directive at its weekly meeting, we were told, on September 29.
    
This is all very interesting. Don’t we recall Webster Shamu warning newspapers not so long ago it was a grave sin for them to disclose matters arising from cabinet meetings? Perhaps we misheard him. And we thought we heard George say something similar!

By the way, what is the status of some well-known outstanding issues? In addition to Charamba, there is the matter of Gideon Gono, Johannes Tomana, and Roy Bennett.

Have they all slipped off the radar? And how could that happen without any of us being told?


On this topic, how does New Africa editor Baffour Ankomah find his way to Zimbabwe as soon as he gets wind of an election?
Baffour is a dedicated disciple of the Mugabe regime. They can be sure of indulgent coverage when he returns to his home in London. Like other columnists, Baffour evidently prefers the comfort of Britain to his homeland, Ghana.

In the interests of transparency could Baffour tell us who sponsors his regular visits to Zimbabwe. We are sure it’s not a secret.
Here’s a clue: “I live in London but I yield to Nathaniel Manheru for the great depth in which he treated the subject (of the August UK riots) in the Saturday Herald. If you missed Manheru’s column please get the Saturday Herald (August 13). It deserves to be framed and put on the living room wall.”
So there you have it! But sadly there will be few takers. The column is hardly a “must-read”! And we always have a chuckle when it goes missing whenever the president is in New York.


We were interested in an article in the Herald on the collapse of irrigation systems in Manicaland. Just as the president was telling an audience in New York that agriculture had recovered, a report in the Herald said villagers in the province were facing acute food shortages as dams lie idle. Thousands of households were facing critical food shortages as irrigation schemes had been vandalised.

“There is the 30ha Murambinda scheme that is not operating to capacity while the situation is even worse at Bonda where there is no pump and farmers are doing nothing,” the acting DA said.

“In Honde Valley there are projects that were left at the piping stage by the EU when it pulled out at the height of the land reform programme,” we are told.
All very sad. But who’s the one?


Elsewhere, Mashonaland Central governor Martin Dinha has “rapped” the MDC for denigrating senior Defence Forces officers who sacrificed to liberate Zimbabwe.

“It is disheartening that the traitors are now spitting in the faces of those that liberated them,” Dinha said. “We should not allow them to do that.

“They now have the temerity and audacity to call for security sector reform and pour scorn on the service chiefs and talk about human rights.”
He was speaking at the reburial of former freedom fighters in Chibondo.
Who is pouring scorn on the service chiefs? Certainly not the MDC. Don’t we recall a cable recently quoting senior officers pouring scorn on one particular colleague?

Dinha should tread carefully where there are political landmines lying around. And why does he think that constitutional change including the security sector amounts to “spitting” in people’s faces?

Dinha wants to know where human rights groups were when our people were being massacred. We should ask him where he was when 20 000 people were killed in Matabeleland. Dinha said the Europeans and British had no moral standing to teach Zimbabwe about human rights and democracy. Zimbabwe owes its freedom to those lying in Chibondo he said.

Indeed it does. And it is shocking that demagogues should hijack such ceremonies to seek votes. The next time Dinha mentions Chibondo we should all be sure to mention Bhalagwe, Antelope Mine, and Sun Yat Sen –– as loudly as possible.


‘A bruising legal fight is looming between Zimbabwe and the European Union (EU),” the Sunday Mail reports, over the latter’s imposition of “illegal” sanctions. This is amid revelations that the Attorney-General’s Office has assembled a team of the country’s best legal minds to file papers against the bloc.

Attorney-General Johannes Tomana confirmed that his office was drafting court documents that will be used in the “unprecedented” fight against the sanctions.

Tomana saidpapers were being prepared for the resumption of the “historic” legal battles in the General Court of the European Court of Justice for the annulment of the embargo.

Tomana and his colleagues doggedly ignore the EU’s clear call for parties to finalise the election roadmap. Zanu PF has continued to throw spanners into the GNU roadmap works with President Mugabe now intent on elections even without consummating the Global Political Agreement in full.
Zanu PF want the sanctions to go without addressing the issues that brought them in the first place. They should be reminded that they cannot have their cake and eat it too.

And is it seriously suggested that the country’s “best legal minds” are at the service of Zanu PF? Hardly likely!


Meanwhile the Zimbabwe Youth Council (ZYC) and other representatives of youth organisations have expressed concern over Finance minister Tendai Biti’s attitude towards addressing challenges they are facing.

ZBC reports that the youths, who had booked a meeting with the minister, expressed disappointment after he allegedly snubbed them, resulting in the meeting failing to materialise.

The youths say they are now losing patience with Biti, who is allegedly “refusing to release funds to spearhead youth development projects”.
This indigenisation craze has created a leech culture whose full extent is yet to be felt. These “youth” organisations are now demanding an arm and a leg from corporates for “development projects”. This is political blackmail.

Old Mutual was compelled to grant a 2,5% stake valued at US$10 million to the Youth Development Fund. An additional US$1 million will be made available from the Old Mutual Fund.

The fund, to be disbursed through CABS, will be jointly administered by the Indigenisation ministry and Old Mutual.
“Every province will benefit from the US$11 million fund,” the Herald claims.

This is said in the context of utterances by  Indigenisation minister Saviour Kasukuwere to the effect that the indigenisation programme will benefit mostly Zanu PF supporters because other political parties are against it.

“They have said they are not interested in taking companies from their white owners, so they won’t benefit from the indigenisation drive. So our people, our Zanu PF supporters will benefit and become empowered through this programme,” Kasukuwere said.
In the circumstances it would be a grave dereliction of duty for any Finance minister to give public funds to dubious outfits of this sort sponsored by senior party hacks.

Don’t we recall some months ago a Reserve Bank report on all the benefits new farmers and others received saying there was no prospect of recovering these “loans”? And what does Old Mutual think it is doing collaborating with the Indigenisation ministry in handing out investors’ funds?


Those who have warned that we have new colonisers on the continent in the form of the Chinese will have been borne out by the pressure brought to bear by Beijing on the South African government not to grant the Dalai Lama a visa to attend Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s 80th birthday party.

Pretoria has ducked and dived over the matter of the visa. China is now one of South Africa’s biggest trading partners and has made it clear it will be displeased if the visa is granted. The Dalai Lama has had to withdraw his application because he will now miss the event.

It would be different if Tutu was Julius Malema or some other rabble-rouser. But he is a decent and thoughtful elder statesman who has made an enormous contribution to his country. China’s behaviour is that of a bully while the best that can be said of South Africa is that it has demonstrated cowardice where courage is required.

China was unlikely to have withdrawn its investments in the event that the visa was granted.  And it would have provided a good example to Africa if it stood up to the new colonial power as Sata is doing.

Thursday, September 15, 2011

Roy Bennett acknowledged ZANU PF:Wikileaks By A Correspondent for ZimEye.org Published: September 6, 2011 commentComment Roy Bennett acknowledged ZANU PF:Wikileaks thumbnail Tormented MDC-T treasurer General Roy Bennett acknowledged the Robert Mugabe ZANU PF party potential while dismissing many MDC-T members’ capability to lead, according to whistle-blower website, Wikileaks. Bennett who has been persecuted by Robert Mugabe’s party on both racial and political grounds is seen yet acknowledging ZANU PF and stating that some in the party could play a crucial role in building a future Zimbabwe, according to a cable on the website. He criticised his party, MDC: Bennet latest Roy Bennett acknowledged ZANU PF:Wikileaks Doubting MDC's capabilities...Roy Bennett “The party was very good at campaigning, but lacked a strong bench in terms of governing. Campaigning was limited to a degree by a paucity of resources”. “Bennett said, for instance, in one province, with several hundred thousand voters, the party had only one vehicle to transport campaign workers around. Hardly any of the MDC ministers had any previous experience in administration, and the few with any capability were overstretched,” he is quoted stating. “(SBU) Bennett said that Mugabe and ZANU-PF did not actually create this culture of a privileged few lording it over the masses (this was done by British colonial masters and the Ian Smith regime), but they have adopted it lock, stock, and barrel. If there is ever to be sustainable progress in this country, he said, in addition to building a strong, responsive governance capacity, the people must be taught their civic rights and be empowered to demand them. According to the cable Bennett however said the MDC-T under Morgan Tsvangirai’s leadership had a tremendous amount of popularity throughout the country, in part due to Tsvangirai’s sincerity and humility, and in part due to ZANU-PF arrogance and lack of concern for the common citizen. FULL TEXT OF WIKILEAKS CABLE: C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 HARARE 000083 SIPDIS AF/S FOR BRIAN WALSH NSC FOR SENIOR AFRICA DIRECTOR MICHELLE GAVIN E.O. 12958: DECL: 2020/02/04 TAGS: PREL PGOV ZI SUBJECT: Conversations with MDC-T Minister-in-Waiting Roy Bennett CLASSIFIED BY: Charles A. Ray, Ambassador, STATE, EXEC; REASON: 1.4(B), (D) ——- SUMMARY ——- 1. (C) MDC-T Finance Chairman Roy Bennett told the Ambassador that while the MDC is good at campaigning, it lacks a cadre of people who know how to run a government. While much of U.S. and other Western support has focused on the party, there is a compelling need for institution building. Apart from the MDC, Bennett acknowledged that ZANU-PF will be involved in a future Zimbabwe; the challenge is to identify those in ZANU-PF who can play constructive roles, and to find ways to bolster them against extremists. 2. (C) In a separate conversation with polecon chief, Bennett focused on MDC-T strategy. MDC-T has concluded that the Global Political Agreement (GPA) is deadlocked. The MDC-T Standing Committee has resolved to make a last effort to negotiate with ZANU-PF, and then appeal to SADC. But it expects little assistance in that forum and will focus on elections which it would like to see occur next year. Bennett also discussed perceptions of MDC-T corruption. END SUMMARY. 3. (SBU) The Ambassador discussed MDC-T with Bennett at a dinner hosted by the British ambassador for visiting UK parliamentarians on February 1. Attending the dinner, in addition to the usual cast of Western diplomats, were representatives of the coalition government, including the deputy foreign minister, and Bennett, the MDC-T Finance Chairman. Polecon chief met separately with Bennett on February 2. ——————————————— — MDC WEAKNESS IS IN GOVERNING, NOT IN CAMPAIGNING ——————————————— — 4. (C) Bennett talked with the Ambassador about MDC-T’s inability to ‘deliver the goods’ to the people, despite its strong ability to campaign; he saw a need to refocus external assistance more toward institution building and strengthening civil society. He said the MDC-T under Morgan Tsvangirai’s leadership had a tremendous amount of popularity throughout the country, in part due to Tsvangirai’s sincerity and humility, and in part due to ZANU-PF arrogance and lack of concern for the common citizen. The party was very good at campaigning, but lacked a strong bench in terms of governing. Campaigning was limited to a degree by a paucity of resources. Bennett said, for instance, in one province, with several hundred thousand voters, the party had only one vehicle to transport campaign workers around. Hardly any of the MDC ministers had any previous experience in administration, and the few with any capability were overstretched. ———————————- NEED FOR MORE THAN GOOD INTENTIONS ———————————- 5. (C) According to Bennett, Western aid (primarily EU and U.S.) has had a strong focus on the MDC as a party. While this has been appreciated, it has not done enough to build the party’s capacity to provide government services or manage the bureaucracy. He said he understood the limitations on working with elements of the government because of sanctions and ZDERA, but without more capacity building, democratic reform would be delayed even longer. He also said there was a compelling need to do more to build civil society. While there are a number of civil society organizations in Zimbabwe, there is no mass civil consciousness that can act as a counterweight to ZANU-PF depredations. (COMMENT: What also seems to be lacking is a sense of interconnectedness among all the various civil society groups. The culture of fear and violence that has been created over the past several decades has so cowed the general population that tens of thousands of people can be intimidated by the murder or beating of a few hundred. END COMMENT.) Bennett contrasted Zimbabwe with South Africa where, although apartheid was as odious as the colonial exploitation was here, there was at least the pretense of a black society that was along side but separate from the whites. In Zimbabwe there was not even the pretense – blacks had been seen as merely labor to be exploited, and coloreds as caudal appendages that were tolerated as long as they didn’t make trouble. The result is that in South Africa there is a strong and vibrant civil society that the West concentrated on building during apartheid, and while there is likely to be ethnic strife, the country will most likely survive it. 6. (SBU) Bennett said that Mugabe and ZANU-PF did not actually create this culture of a privileged few lording it over the masses (this was done by British colonial masters and the Ian Smith regime), but they have adopted it lock, stock, and barrel. If there is ever to be sustainable progress in this country, he said, in addition to building a strong, responsive governance capacity, the people must be taught their civic rights and be empowered to demand them. 7. (C) Western support for Mugabe and ZANU in the 1960s and 1980s, Bennett said, can be understood in the context of the Cold War. The slaughter of Ndebeles in Matabeleland was viewed as an internal incident less important than the chess game between the USSR and the West, and the killing and dispossessing of ZAPU went unremarked because ZAPU was supported by the USSR, the West’s main enemy at the time. In the same vein, revulsion at ZANU-PF for events since the late 1990s, particularly the violence associated with farm invasions and the election-related killings, is understandable. This should not, however, blind the West to the fact that ZANU-PF will not go away. There are in ZANU-PF, people who want to see progress, but they have no power to influence events. We need to do a better job of identifying them, and finding ways, without compromising or endangering them, to empower them with a view to a future multi-party country and a need to recognize that wishing for a future Zimbabwe without ZANU-PF is naC/ve and counterproductive. ————– MDC-T Strategy ————– 8. (C) Bennett told polecon chief that MDC-T had been unfocused. The Office of the Prime Minister was weak and the party had been left largely unattended as party stalwarts such as Tendai Biti were occupied with government. Two weeks ago, according to Bennett, the MDC-T Standing Committee, consisting of the top 12 ranking officials, held a series of strategy sessions to address these issues. 9. (C) The party concluded that ZANU-PF would not allow it to effectively participate in government; it therefore resolved to focus its efforts on the party in order to build it and prepare for elections. MDC-T, according to Bennett, believes there will be no significant progress on the GPA and that there is a stalemate. It has not yet been declared a deadlock because it wants the Media, Electoral, and Human Rights Commissions established before it does so – it is concerned that declaring a deadlock first would cause Mugabe to backtrack on the commissions. MDC-T’s plan after it does declare a deadlock is to appeal to SADC. It believes SADC will be unsuccessful in moving Mugabe. The next step will be to press for elections. 10. (C) Bennett told us that the Standing Committee also discussed the Marange diamond situation and resolved to take a firm stand. He acknowledged that Murisi Zwizwai, the Deputy Minister of Mines, is close to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and is possibly corrupt. Turning to the issue of corruption, Bennett said there were rumors about several MDC-T ministers, but the party could not act on rumors. He admitted, however, that the perception of corruption was harmful. He was aware of reports that Tsvangirai was buying a US$1 million house in Harare. Bennett said he investigated and discovered that two individuals associated with Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Governor Gideon Gono had proposed buying the house for Tsvangirai. Bennett said he urged Tsvangirai to turn off the arrangement and Tsvangirai agreed. Tsvangirai had, however, accepted two vehicles from these individuals. 11. (C) Bennett said the Standing Committee had resolved that elections take place in 2011. He admitted that most MDC-T parliamentarians were opposed to this, but said the Party leadership would prevail over the desires of parliamentarians or the rank and file. We noted that a couple of weeks ago, Tsvangirai had said the country was not ready for early elections, but had apparently reversed course in Davos and supported 2011 elections. Bennett said the party leadership had always supported 2011 elections; but despite party decisions, Tsvangirai had a tendency to publicly take inconsistent positions. ——- COMMENTRoy Bennett acknowledged ZANU PF:Wikileaks By A Correspondent for ZimEye.org Published: September 6, 2011 commentComment Roy Bennett acknowledged ZANU PF:Wikileaks thumbnail Tormented MDC-T treasurer General Roy Bennett acknowledged the Robert Mugabe ZANU PF party potential while dismissing many MDC-T members’ capability to lead, according to whistle-blower website, Wikileaks. Bennett who has been persecuted by Robert Mugabe’s party on both racial and political grounds is seen yet acknowledging ZANU PF and stating that some in the party could play a crucial role in building a future Zimbabwe, according to a cable on the website. He criticised his party, MDC: Bennet latest Roy Bennett acknowledged ZANU PF:Wikileaks Doubting MDC's capabilities...Roy Bennett “The party was very good at campaigning, but lacked a strong bench in terms of governing. Campaigning was limited to a degree by a paucity of resources”. “Bennett said, for instance, in one province, with several hundred thousand voters, the party had only one vehicle to transport campaign workers around. Hardly any of the MDC ministers had any previous experience in administration, and the few with any capability were overstretched,” he is quoted stating. “(SBU) Bennett said that Mugabe and ZANU-PF did not actually create this culture of a privileged few lording it over the masses (this was done by British colonial masters and the Ian Smith regime), but they have adopted it lock, stock, and barrel. If there is ever to be sustainable progress in this country, he said, in addition to building a strong, responsive governance capacity, the people must be taught their civic rights and be empowered to demand them. According to the cable Bennett however said the MDC-T under Morgan Tsvangirai’s leadership had a tremendous amount of popularity throughout the country, in part due to Tsvangirai’s sincerity and humility, and in part due to ZANU-PF arrogance and lack of concern for the common citizen. FULL TEXT OF WIKILEAKS CABLE: C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 HARARE 000083 SIPDIS AF/S FOR BRIAN WALSH NSC FOR SENIOR AFRICA DIRECTOR MICHELLE GAVIN E.O. 12958: DECL: 2020/02/04 TAGS: PREL PGOV ZI SUBJECT: Conversations with MDC-T Minister-in-Waiting Roy Bennett CLASSIFIED BY: Charles A. Ray, Ambassador, STATE, EXEC; REASON: 1.4(B), (D) ——- SUMMARY ——- 1. (C) MDC-T Finance Chairman Roy Bennett told the Ambassador that while the MDC is good at campaigning, it lacks a cadre of people who know how to run a government. While much of U.S. and other Western support has focused on the party, there is a compelling need for institution building. Apart from the MDC, Bennett acknowledged that ZANU-PF will be involved in a future Zimbabwe; the challenge is to identify those in ZANU-PF who can play constructive roles, and to find ways to bolster them against extremists. 2. (C) In a separate conversation with polecon chief, Bennett focused on MDC-T strategy. MDC-T has concluded that the Global Political Agreement (GPA) is deadlocked. The MDC-T Standing Committee has resolved to make a last effort to negotiate with ZANU-PF, and then appeal to SADC. But it expects little assistance in that forum and will focus on elections which it would like to see occur next year. Bennett also discussed perceptions of MDC-T corruption. END SUMMARY. 3. (SBU) The Ambassador discussed MDC-T with Bennett at a dinner hosted by the British ambassador for visiting UK parliamentarians on February 1. Attending the dinner, in addition to the usual cast of Western diplomats, were representatives of the coalition government, including the deputy foreign minister, and Bennett, the MDC-T Finance Chairman. Polecon chief met separately with Bennett on February 2. ——————————————— — MDC WEAKNESS IS IN GOVERNING, NOT IN CAMPAIGNING ——————————————— — 4. (C) Bennett talked with the Ambassador about MDC-T’s inability to ‘deliver the goods’ to the people, despite its strong ability to campaign; he saw a need to refocus external assistance more toward institution building and strengthening civil society. He said the MDC-T under Morgan Tsvangirai’s leadership had a tremendous amount of popularity throughout the country, in part due to Tsvangirai’s sincerity and humility, and in part due to ZANU-PF arrogance and lack of concern for the common citizen. The party was very good at campaigning, but lacked a strong bench in terms of governing. Campaigning was limited to a degree by a paucity of resources. Bennett said, for instance, in one province, with several hundred thousand voters, the party had only one vehicle to transport campaign workers around. Hardly any of the MDC ministers had any previous experience in administration, and the few with any capability were overstretched. ———————————- NEED FOR MORE THAN GOOD INTENTIONS ———————————- 5. (C) According to Bennett, Western aid (primarily EU and U.S.) has had a strong focus on the MDC as a party. While this has been appreciated, it has not done enough to build the party’s capacity to provide government services or manage the bureaucracy. He said he understood the limitations on working with elements of the government because of sanctions and ZDERA, but without more capacity building, democratic reform would be delayed even longer. He also said there was a compelling need to do more to build civil society. While there are a number of civil society organizations in Zimbabwe, there is no mass civil consciousness that can act as a counterweight to ZANU-PF depredations. (COMMENT: What also seems to be lacking is a sense of interconnectedness among all the various civil society groups. The culture of fear and violence that has been created over the past several decades has so cowed the general population that tens of thousands of people can be intimidated by the murder or beating of a few hundred. END COMMENT.) Bennett contrasted Zimbabwe with South Africa where, although apartheid was as odious as the colonial exploitation was here, there was at least the pretense of a black society that was along side but separate from the whites. In Zimbabwe there was not even the pretense – blacks had been seen as merely labor to be exploited, and coloreds as caudal appendages that were tolerated as long as they didn’t make trouble. The result is that in South Africa there is a strong and vibrant civil society that the West concentrated on building during apartheid, and while there is likely to be ethnic strife, the country will most likely survive it. 6. (SBU) Bennett said that Mugabe and ZANU-PF did not actually create this culture of a privileged few lording it over the masses (this was done by British colonial masters and the Ian Smith regime), but they have adopted it lock, stock, and barrel. If there is ever to be sustainable progress in this country, he said, in addition to building a strong, responsive governance capacity, the people must be taught their civic rights and be empowered to demand them. 7. (C) Western support for Mugabe and ZANU in the 1960s and 1980s, Bennett said, can be understood in the context of the Cold War. The slaughter of Ndebeles in Matabeleland was viewed as an internal incident less important than the chess game between the USSR and the West, and the killing and dispossessing of ZAPU went unremarked because ZAPU was supported by the USSR, the West’s main enemy at the time. In the same vein, revulsion at ZANU-PF for events since the late 1990s, particularly the violence associated with farm invasions and the election-related killings, is understandable. This should not, however, blind the West to the fact that ZANU-PF will not go away. There are in ZANU-PF, people who want to see progress, but they have no power to influence events. We need to do a better job of identifying them, and finding ways, without compromising or endangering them, to empower them with a view to a future multi-party country and a need to recognize that wishing for a future Zimbabwe without ZANU-PF is naC/ve and counterproductive. ————– MDC-T Strategy ————– 8. (C) Bennett told polecon chief that MDC-T had been unfocused. The Office of the Prime Minister was weak and the party had been left largely unattended as party stalwarts such as Tendai Biti were occupied with government. Two weeks ago, according to Bennett, the MDC-T Standing Committee, consisting of the top 12 ranking officials, held a series of strategy sessions to address these issues. 9. (C) The party concluded that ZANU-PF would not allow it to effectively participate in government; it therefore resolved to focus its efforts on the party in order to build it and prepare for elections. MDC-T, according to Bennett, believes there will be no significant progress on the GPA and that there is a stalemate. It has not yet been declared a deadlock because it wants the Media, Electoral, and Human Rights Commissions established before it does so – it is concerned that declaring a deadlock first would cause Mugabe to backtrack on the commissions. MDC-T’s plan after it does declare a deadlock is to appeal to SADC. It believes SADC will be unsuccessful in moving Mugabe. The next step will be to press for elections. 10. (C) Bennett told us that the Standing Committee also discussed the Marange diamond situation and resolved to take a firm stand. He acknowledged that Murisi Zwizwai, the Deputy Minister of Mines, is close to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and is possibly corrupt. Turning to the issue of corruption, Bennett said there were rumors about several MDC-T ministers, but the party could not act on rumors. He admitted, however, that the perception of corruption was harmful. He was aware of reports that Tsvangirai was buying a US$1 million house in Harare. Bennett said he investigated and discovered that two individuals associated with Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Governor Gideon Gono had proposed buying the house for Tsvangirai. Bennett said he urged Tsvangirai to turn off the arrangement and Tsvangirai agreed. Tsvangirai had, however, accepted two vehicles from these individuals. 11. (C) Bennett said the Standing Committee had resolved that elections take place in 2011. He admitted that most MDC-T parliamentarians were opposed to this, but said the Party leadership would prevail over the desires of parliamentarians or the rank and file. We noted that a couple of weeks ago, Tsvangirai had said the country was not ready for early elections, but had apparently reversed course in Davos and supported 2011 elections. Bennett said the party leadership had always supported 2011 elections; but despite party decisions, Tsvangirai had a tendency to publicly take inconsistent positions. ——- COMMENT

Roy Bennett acknowledged ZANU PF:Wikileaks

By
for ZimEye.org
Published: September 6, 2011
commentComment        
Roy Bennett acknowledged ZANU PF:Wikileaks thumbnail Tormented MDC-T treasurer General Roy Bennett acknowledged the Robert Mugabe ZANU PF party potential while dismissing many MDC-T members’ capability to lead, according to whistle-blower website, Wikileaks.
Bennett who has been persecuted by Robert Mugabe’s party on both racial and political grounds is seen yet acknowledging ZANU PF and stating that some in the party could play a crucial role in building a future Zimbabwe, according to a cable on the website.
He criticised his party, MDC:
Bennet latest Roy Bennett acknowledged ZANU PF:Wikileaks
Doubting MDC's capabilities...Roy Bennett
“The party was very good at campaigning, but lacked a strong bench in terms of governing. Campaigning was limited to a degree by a paucity of resources”.
“Bennett said, for instance, in one province, with several hundred thousand voters, the party had only one vehicle to transport campaign workers around. Hardly any of the MDC ministers had any previous experience in administration, and the few with any capability were overstretched,” he is quoted stating.
“(SBU) Bennett said that Mugabe and ZANU-PF did not actually create this culture of a privileged few lording it over the masses (this was done by British colonial masters and the Ian Smith regime), but they have adopted it lock, stock, and barrel. If there is ever to be sustainable progress in this country, he said, in addition to building a strong, responsive governance capacity, the people must be taught their civic rights and be empowered to demand them.
 According to the cable Bennett however said the MDC-T under Morgan Tsvangirai’s leadership had a tremendous amount of popularity throughout the country, in part due to Tsvangirai’s sincerity and humility, and in part due to ZANU-PF arrogance and lack of concern for the common citizen.

FULL TEXT OF WIKILEAKS CABLE:
 C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 HARARE 000083
SIPDIS
AF/S FOR BRIAN WALSH
NSC FOR SENIOR AFRICA DIRECTOR MICHELLE GAVIN

E.O. 12958: DECL: 2020/02/04
TAGS: PREL PGOV ZI
SUBJECT: Conversations with MDC-T Minister-in-Waiting Roy Bennett
CLASSIFIED BY: Charles A. Ray, Ambassador, STATE, EXEC; REASON:
1.4(B), (D)
——-
SUMMARY
——-
1. (C) MDC-T Finance Chairman Roy Bennett told the Ambassador that while the MDC is good at campaigning, it lacks a cadre of people who know how to run a government. While much of U.S. and other Western support has focused on the party, there is a compelling need for institution building. Apart from the MDC, Bennett acknowledged that ZANU-PF will be involved in a future Zimbabwe; the challenge is to identify those in ZANU-PF who can play constructive roles, and to find ways to bolster them against extremists.
2. (C) In a separate conversation with polecon chief, Bennett focused on MDC-T strategy. MDC-T has concluded that the Global Political Agreement (GPA) is deadlocked. The MDC-T Standing Committee has resolved to make a last effort to negotiate with ZANU-PF, and then appeal to SADC. But it expects little assistance in that forum and will focus on elections which it would like to see occur next year. Bennett also discussed perceptions of MDC-T corruption. END SUMMARY.
3. (SBU) The Ambassador discussed MDC-T with Bennett at a dinner hosted by the British ambassador for visiting UK parliamentarians on February 1. Attending the dinner, in addition to the usual cast of Western diplomats, were representatives of the coalition government, including the deputy foreign minister, and Bennett, the MDC-T Finance Chairman. Polecon chief met separately with Bennett on February 2.
——————————————— —
MDC WEAKNESS IS IN GOVERNING, NOT IN CAMPAIGNING
——————————————— —
4. (C) Bennett talked with the Ambassador about MDC-T’s inability to ‘deliver the goods’ to the people, despite its strong ability to campaign; he saw a need to refocus external assistance more toward institution building and strengthening civil society. He said the MDC-T under Morgan Tsvangirai’s leadership had a tremendous amount of popularity throughout the country, in part due to Tsvangirai’s sincerity and humility, and in part due to ZANU-PF arrogance and lack of concern for the common citizen. The party was very good at campaigning, but lacked a strong bench in terms of governing. Campaigning was limited to a degree by a paucity of resources.
Bennett said, for instance, in one province, with several hundred thousand voters, the party had only one vehicle to transport campaign workers around. Hardly any of the MDC ministers had any previous experience in administration, and the few with any capability were overstretched.
———————————-
NEED FOR MORE THAN GOOD INTENTIONS
———————————-
5. (C) According to Bennett, Western aid (primarily EU and U.S.) has had a strong focus on the MDC as a party. While this has been appreciated, it has not done enough to build the party’s capacity to provide government services or manage the bureaucracy. He said
he understood the limitations on working with elements of the government because of sanctions and ZDERA, but without more capacity building, democratic reform would be delayed even longer.
He also said there was a compelling need to do more to build civil society. While there are a number of civil society organizations in Zimbabwe, there is no mass civil consciousness that can act as a counterweight to ZANU-PF depredations.
(COMMENT: What also seems to be lacking is a sense of interconnectedness among all the various civil society groups. The culture of fear and violence that has been created over the past several decades has so cowed the general population that tens of thousands of people can be intimidated by the murder or beating of a few hundred. END COMMENT.)
Bennett contrasted Zimbabwe with South Africa where, although apartheid was as odious as the colonial exploitation was here, there was at least the pretense of a black society that was along side but separate from the whites. In Zimbabwe there was not even the pretense – blacks had been seen as merely labor to be exploited, and coloreds as caudal appendages that were tolerated as long as they didn’t make trouble. The result is that in South Africa there is a strong and vibrant civil society that the West concentrated on building during apartheid, and while there is likely to be ethnic strife, the country will most likely survive it.
6. (SBU) Bennett said that Mugabe and ZANU-PF did not actually create this culture of a privileged few lording it over the masses (this was done by British colonial masters and the Ian Smith regime), but they have adopted it lock, stock, and barrel. If there is ever to be sustainable progress in this country, he said, in addition to building a strong, responsive governance capacity, the people must be taught their civic rights and be empowered to demand them.
7. (C) Western support for Mugabe and ZANU in the 1960s and 1980s, Bennett said, can be understood in the context of the Cold War. The slaughter of Ndebeles in Matabeleland was viewed as an internal incident less important than the chess game between the USSR and the West, and the killing and dispossessing of ZAPU went unremarked because ZAPU was supported by the USSR, the West’s main enemy at the time. In the same vein, revulsion at ZANU-PF for events since the late 1990s, particularly the violence associated with farm invasions and the election-related killings, is understandable.
This should not, however, blind the West to the fact that ZANU-PF will not go away. There are in ZANU-PF, people who want to see progress, but they have no power to influence events. We need to do a better job of identifying them, and finding ways, without compromising or endangering them, to empower them with a view to a future multi-party country and a need to recognize that wishing for a future Zimbabwe without ZANU-PF is naC/ve and counterproductive.
————–
MDC-T Strategy
————–
8. (C) Bennett told polecon chief that MDC-T had been unfocused. The Office of the Prime Minister was weak and the party had been left largely unattended as party stalwarts such as Tendai Biti were occupied with government. Two weeks ago, according to Bennett, the MDC-T Standing Committee, consisting of the top 12 ranking officials, held a series of strategy sessions to address these issues.
9. (C) The party concluded that ZANU-PF would not allow it to effectively participate in government; it therefore resolved to focus its efforts on the party in order to build it and prepare for elections. MDC-T, according to Bennett, believes there will be no significant progress on the GPA and that there is a stalemate. It has not yet been declared a deadlock because it wants the Media, Electoral, and Human Rights Commissions established before it does so – it is concerned that declaring a deadlock first would cause Mugabe to backtrack on the commissions. MDC-T’s plan after it does declare a deadlock is to appeal to SADC. It believes SADC will be unsuccessful in moving Mugabe. The next step will be to press for elections.
10. (C) Bennett told us that the Standing Committee also discussed the Marange diamond situation and resolved to take a firm stand. He acknowledged that Murisi Zwizwai, the Deputy Minister of Mines, is close to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and is possibly corrupt. Turning to the issue of corruption, Bennett said there were rumors about several MDC-T ministers, but the party could not act on rumors. He admitted, however, that the perception of corruption was harmful. He was aware of reports that Tsvangirai was buying a US$1 million house in Harare. Bennett said he investigated and discovered that two individuals associated with Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Governor Gideon Gono had proposed buying the house for Tsvangirai. Bennett said he urged Tsvangirai to turn off the arrangement and Tsvangirai agreed. Tsvangirai had, however, accepted two vehicles from these individuals.
11. (C) Bennett said the Standing Committee had resolved that elections take place in 2011. He admitted that most MDC-T parliamentarians were opposed to this, but said the Party leadership would prevail over the desires of parliamentarians or the rank and file. We noted that a couple of weeks ago, Tsvangirai had said the country was not ready for early elections, but had apparently reversed course in Davos and supported 2011 elections.
Bennett said the party leadership had always supported 2011 elections; but despite party decisions, Tsvangirai had a tendency to publicly take inconsistent positions.
——-
COMMENT
IF HE WAS AGAINST IT WHY DIDNT HE STOP IT?
In 1987 the once loved Zimbabwean ruling party, ZANU PF, unleashed a ruthless inhuman operation in the southern provinces of Zimbabwe, an operation called Gukurahundi which refers to the first rains of the rainy season, the rains that wash all the dirt in the land. But after the man made ZANU PF rain there was no clean ground, there was no water, but there was blood, tears and dead bodies. A North Korean trained army brigade crushed a “rebellion” by the people in a southern province Matebeleland, killing an estimated 20 000 unarmed people.

In 1987 the commander of the Zimbabwe Armed Forces was a man called Solomon Mujuru, the late Solomon Mujuru. Many describe Mujuru as a hero and as a kind hearted man. When the popular leader of what was once an opposition party in Zimbabwe was badly beaten by Zimbabwe's police, Mujuru visited him in hospital drawing the anger of Robert Mugabe and hard-line members of his ZANU PF party. There are many other events that testify of his kindness and to some extent, Gukurahundi. According to reports Mujuru disapproved of the operation. He decided not to be a part of the operation and refused to authorize the army`s involvement to crush the rebellion. Some say that is why a separate brigade was trained in North Korea. Mujuru himself never made any public statement about the operation.

Now that Mujuru has died unexpectedly, before a new and democratic Zimbabwe that is coming soon, there are many questions that need to be answered and there are many questions as to who will answer them. If he was still a hero and if he disapproved of the operation, then why did he not stop it? He was the commander of the army and had more men than the brigade. True heroes do not fold their hands in the wake of injustices. As commander in chief, his role was to protect the civilians. If he did not have the authority then why did he not resign? If these men were not part of his army and were carrying guns to kill the people of Zimbabwe then way did he not fight them? Mujuru did not authorize the operation with his words but with in inaction he did.

Before his death, deep in his heart, he knew he had lost his hero status hence his commitment to ensuring that Zimbabwe is restored into a true democracy. He had a plan, a plan that would see the least bloodshed in a Zimbabwean transformation to democracy, but unfortunately he died before he could implement it. He was going to change ZANU PF from within. In his heart he was a man determined to be a hero again, not in people's eyes but in his own eyes. However his good motives can be questioned again, again and again. His life was a puzzle. He has taken part in many injustices that were done to the people of Zimbabwe in the last decade. He was said to own many companies and farms that he wrestled from others without payment. He was the main dealer in Zimbabwe`s diamonds, diamonds mined amid gross human right violations.

One thing is true though, that the life of thousands of people where in General Mujuru's hands and he decided to do nothing. But because he died trying to fix things, I give the 5 star general a three star hero status. I hope his soul rests in peace and by rest in peace I mean he find a good answer to the 20 000 souls that are waiting for him on the other side. I hope he died with Christ in his heart because only the Son of God can save his from the vengeful souls.

edited by JAMES KATSO from Bulawayo24